These effects intensify in marriage markets with lower sex ratios or greater parental involvement in marriage arrangements. The results contribute to the literatures on the effects of both sibling sex composition and family size. In the standard framework, siblings compete for limited resources within the household, so that an increase in the number of children decreases average child investment. To implement this test, I restrict the sample to families with exactly x daughters, estimate a regression of parental coresidence on age indicators, and then predict the probability that each daughter lives at home. The framework predicts that the presence of older sisters delays the marriages of their younger sisters; the presence of younger sisters hastens the marriages of their older sisters; and the presence of any sisters reduces expected groom quality. Because girls leave school when they marry and face limited earning opportunities when they reach adulthood, the number of sisters has well-being consequences over the life cycle. The earlier transition to married life comes at the expense of human capital and spousal quality.
At each age, the oldest sister is most likely to have left home, followed by the next-oldest, the third-oldest, and the youngest. The framework predicts that the presence of older sisters delays the marriages of their younger sisters; the presence of younger sisters hastens the marriages of their older sisters; and the presence of any sisters reduces expected groom quality. But the effects of younger sisters on marriage risk are no stronger in regions with high dowry prevalence than in those with small dowry prevalence. For one, it addresses issues of fairness and competition within the family. The mechanisms underlying the Norwegian findings remain unknown, but these differences remind us that varying constraints on household decisions lead to varying forms of sibling competition. In this sense, the results contribute to the research effort toward understanding the ramifications of various marriage institutions, especially during times of social, economic, and demographic change e. Introduction Economic, social, and cultural change occur unevenly, with some behaviors and institutions lagging behind technological progress. Next-youngest sisters cause lower school attendance among teenagers, as well as lower educational attainment and literacy among adult women. The interaction of this tradition with recent expansions in mobility and educational opportunities appears to magnify these trade-offs. For example, the Hindu text Laws of Manu states: These results stand in contrast to South Asia, where older sisters allow a girl to remain in school, whereas younger sisters force her to leave. The logic is similar for boys but probably more acute for girls, who in many parts of the world including South Asia leave school if they marry young Field and Ambrus Although arranged marriage has gradually given way to love-based marriage in some societies over the past millennium, it remains prevalent in many parts of the world Goode ; Goody The earlier transition to married life comes at the expense of human capital and spousal quality. Although the article focuses on measuring that impact, it begins by describing the practice of marrying daughters in order of birth and outlining a simple marriage search framework. But those with younger twin brothers and those with younger singleton brothers have indistinguishable rates of home-leaving. Search frictions also create some pressure to prioritize an elder sibling, who faces a shorter horizon on the marriage market. The data thus suggest that older and younger sisters have opposite effects on home-leaving. Several theories could explain this practice, which prevails as a social norm in present-day societies with widespread arranged marriage. Neither models in which the gender of a child is a wealth shock, nor models in which parents substitute resources from girls to boys, nor models of son-biased fertility-stopping behavior, nor models of the demand for male and female labor in the household predict on their own that older sisters have the opposite effect of younger sisters. After these explanations, one prominent alternative remains, also rooted in the marriage market. Because girls leave school when they marry and face limited earning opportunities when they reach adulthood, the number of sisters has well-being consequences over the life cycle. One such tradition is arranged marriage. More broadly, they relate to recent work on how variation in the cultural importance of family ties shapes both individual and aggregate economic outcomes Bertrand and Schoar ; Alesina and Giuliano In some ways, they are like any other participants on the same side of the market, but their membership in the same family introduces special constraints on their marriages. Teenage girls with younger twin sisters are more likely to have left home than their counterparts with younger singleton sisters.
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